BEGIN:VCALENDAR
VERSION:2.0
PRODID:-//Talks.cam//talks.cam.ac.uk//
X-WR-CALNAME:Talks.cam
BEGIN:VEVENT
SUMMARY:Complement clause section as a (non-)local relation - Dr Anna Rous
 sou (University of Patras)
DTSTART:20221013T153000Z
DTEND:20221013T170000Z
UID:TALK183716@talks.cam.ac.uk
CONTACT:96469
DESCRIPTION:1. Complement clause selection is treated as a local relation.
  Thus\, a verb like ‘believe’ takes a that-complement as in (1)\, whil
 e a verb like ‘wonder’ takes an if/whethercomplement or a wh-clause as
  in (2):\n\n(1) a. I believe that/*if Mary left b. * I believe who left\n\
 n(2) a. I wonder if/* that Mary left b. I wonder who left.\n\nThe ungramma
 tical versions in (1) and (2) are consistent with the view that while csel
 ection is the same (a clausal complement)\, the predicates differ in terms
  of s-selection (an embedded declarative vs an embedded interrogative (Gri
 mshaw 1979\, Pesetsky 1982\, a.o.). On the other hand (some) propositional
  attitude predicates may allow for an embedded interrogative under certain
  conditions\, as in (3):\n\n(3) a. I don’t know if John left b. I know w
 ho left.\nc. * I don’t believe if John left d. I can’t believe who lef
 t.\n\nAdger & Quer (2001) argue that the if-clause in (3a) is an Unselecte
 d Embedded Question (UEQ) which is subject to the same licensing condition
 s as polarity items. This renders the complement clause an indefinite-like
  element\, attributed to the properties of if (Roussou 2010). Still the pr
 oblem remains for the examples in (3) and (4).\n\n2. The patterns in (3) a
 nd (4)\, replicated for other languages including Greek\, are taken as evi
 dence that complement clause selection is not necessarily a local relation
 . It is argued that selection in this case is not computed at the vP phase
  but extends to the next phase up\, namely C\; this is what gives rise to 
 the ‘non-local’ flavor. Assuming that the distinction between c- and s
 -selection is valid\, the picture that arises shows that selection is the 
 one computed at the C phase. Within this perspective\, the look-ahead prob
 lem that arises in (3) and (4) is resolved\, as far as a bottom-up derivat
 ional model is concerned. Further data from Greek support this line of the
 orizing with respect to other phenomena such as control\, triggered by pro
 perties of the matrix clause in connection with the selecting predicate.
LOCATION:English Faculty\, GR06/07
END:VEVENT
END:VCALENDAR