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SUMMARY:On Feature Inheritance: The Nature of Agreement and Anti-Agreement
  - Dr. Hamid Ouali (University of Wisconsin\, Milwaukee)
DTSTART:20070116T180000Z
DTEND:20070116T193000Z
UID:TALK6328@talks.cam.ac.uk
CONTACT:Dr Theresa Biberauer
DESCRIPTION:*On Feature Inheritance: The Nature of Agreement and Anti-Agre
 ement*\n\nDr Hamid Ouali (University of Wisconsin\, Milwaukee)\n\nIn recen
 t developments of Minimalism\, Chomsky (2000\, 2001\, 2004 and 2005) argue
 s that agreement results from a Probe-Goal relation established between a 
 head X and an argument YP. Chomsky proposes that subject-verb agreement is
  obtained upon establishing an Agree relation between T and the subject (i
 n Spec-vP). T however is not merged bearing φ-features but inherits these
  φ-features from C. In light of this hypothesis\, this talk examines the 
 nature of feature inheritance and its implications for the nature of agree
 ment and the so-called Anti-Agreement Effect (AAE) (Ouhalla 1993\, 2005b) 
 in Berber. \n\nI argue that in nonfinite clauses\, the assumption that T\,
  which presumably does not have “the properties of true tense”\, is no
 t selected by C\, and therefore does not have φ-features seems to be logi
 cal since C\, from which it inherits these features\, was never merged. Ho
 wever\, the assumption that in finite clauses\, when C is merged\, T inher
 its the φ-features from it is stipulative\, and should in theory allow th
 ree logical possibilities: (a) C transfers the φ-features to T (DONATE)\,
  (b) C does not transfer the φ-features to T (KEEP) and (c) C transfers t
 he φ-features to T but also keeps a copy (SHARE). In this talk\, and buil
 ding on Ouali (2006)\, I will show that all these theoretically viable opt
 ions are empirically attested\, with DONATE being the case in declaratives
 \, KEEP being the case of local subject-extraction\, and SHARE being the c
 ase in object extraction and long distance subject/objection extraction.\n
LOCATION:G-R04\, English Faculty
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