Abstract

This talk discusses properties of Romanian constructions with matrix knowledge and perception verbs selecting finite phasal CPs (i.e. that-indicatives and indicative indirect questions), in which the subject of the embedded clause surfaces as an ACC DP in the matrix clause under specific evaluative semantics. Based on movement properties and linearization, it is argued that the DP in RtoO undergoes A-bar movement across the complement CP to the highest specifier of the matrix v*P. Given that, in these contexts, the embedded subject is probed by both [uTop] and [uphi/ACC], simultaneous A and A-bar effects obtain. More specifically, both ACC lexicalization and the option of binding the main clause subject would indicate A-movement, whereas reconstruction effects, absence of passivization and of bare quantifiers indicate A-bar movement. The paper at once contributes to the theoretical debate on cross-linguistic ECM /RtoO and to a more fine-grained understanding of evidential systems.